Holy Roman Empire

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According to the terms of the alliance, Austria, Russia, Greece, and Montenegro sent troops: 350,000, 336,000, 26,000, and 3,000 respectively, with Austrian Chief of Staff Albrecht serving as the Allied Commander.

Just looking at these numbers, one could tell that this was a campaign that could lead to national extinction. It should be noted that in the last Near East war, Russia and Austria deployed less than 300,000 troops each, which left the Ottoman Empire questioning its existence.

The most important aspect of joint operations is coordination, with the biggest challenge being the language barrier and communication difficulties, which increased the complexity of cooperation among the troops.

In the second half of May, the four nations set to work on this problem, with Albrecht, the Allied Commander, holding several joint meetings to coordinate and organize relationships.

The slow actions of the Allied Forces gave the Ottoman Government hope, and Abdul Hamid II ordered a nationwide mobilization.

In a fit of desperation, the Ottoman Government extended the mobilization age to include even 12-year-olds, and anyone who could bear arms, without an upper limit.

Over the years, the Ottomans had garnered much hatred, and among the Anti-Turkish Alliance, all four nations bore grudges against them, leaving no room for reconciliation.

When faced with national survival, it is easy to ignite a country’s potential. Under the threat of extinction, Ottoman reformists, conservatives, and religious forces tacitly ceased their infighting.

…

At Downing Street, inside the Prime Minister’s residence, the British Foreign Secretary George said, "The Ottoman Government’s performance is commendable; they are prepared to fight desperately.

The Ottoman Grand Vizier Midhat Pasha issued an extreme mobilization order, planning to deploy 2 million troops for a decisive battle against the Anti-Turkish Alliance."

Prime Minister Gladstone was shocked, "The Ottomans want 2 million troops? How is that possible? How many people do they have, and how can they support such an army?"

One should not oversimplify mobilization just because both nations mobilized millions of troops in the Prusso-Russian war.

In Europe, only England, France, Russia, and Austria could muster 2 million troops; there is no fifth country capable of doing so.

Spain might manage to muster so many able-bodied men, but Spain’s national power simply cannot sustain it. The German Federation and the Nordic Federation fall short even in numbers.

Beyond the requirements for hardware, such large-scale mobilization is also a test of the government’s organizational capacity.

Being mobilized doesn’t mean it can happen immediately. For instance, Britain, when pushed to its limits, could even muster 5 million, not just 2 million.

But time is essential, and that is exactly what is lacking on the battlefield. We are now in an era of modern weaponry; it’s not enough to simply recruit able-bodied individuals into the army to consider mobilization complete.

While ordinary soldiers might be trained for ten days or half a month and then sent to the battlefield as cannon fodder, artillerymen and airship soldiers, as technical troops, can’t be trained in such a short time.

Even at the height of the Ottoman Empire, they did not have the capability to support 2 million troops, let alone now when the Ottomans are at half strength, attempting to mobilize 2 million troops seems unreliable.

Foreign Minister George said composedly, "The number may be a bit exaggerated, but it also reflects the determination of the Ottoman Government.

You must understand that the Ottomans are a special nation, and universal conscription is entirely possible. With their population of seven or eight million, it is still plausible to gather 2 million troops.

Of course, this requires our help. Once they enter a state of universal conscription, Ottoman production will essentially be ruined, and their national strength won’t last long..."

Finance Minister George Childs interrupted, "Sir, this Near East war is no ordinary conflict. The Vienna Government has made up its mind to bring down the Ottoman Empire.

Given the current situation, the possibilities of the Ottoman Empire surviving are very slim.

Our investments in them are bound to be fruitless, and the government cannot waste taxpayers’ money."

War is a resource-hungry beast, and even the wealthy Great Britain Empire must carefully consider its moves.

"No!"

"How can this be a waste?"

George explained, "Without the Ottomans as a buffer, we will have to face the Russian Bear and the Double-headed Eagle directly.

One can imagine that once this happens, the defense of India won’t be far off.

The Ottomans are ready to fight to the death; by merely supplying them with some materials, they will do everything they can to stop the Double-headed Eagle and the Russian Bear.

Instead of spending a great deal of money on the defense of India, it would be wiser to support the Ottomans with less funding..."

Finance Minister George Childs rolled his eyes dismissively, coldly interjecting, "The precondition is that the Ottomans can win. Otherwise, other than intensifying the conflict and precipitating the defense war in India, it would be meaningless."

The Finance Minister’s meaning was very clear; he had little faith in the Ottomans. Should they lose the war, the Ottoman Empire would cease to exist, and Britain did not have the power to make Vienna and St. Petersburg take on the debts.

Even worse, by sponsoring the Ottomans, it could provoke strong dissatisfaction from both countries, leading them to form an alliance to divide India.

Foreign Minister George persisted, "We can’t count it that way. The odds of the Ottomans winning are indeed low, but with our support, they can hold out for a longer period.

Among the four nations of the Anti-Turkish Alliance, Greece and Montenegro are merely making up numbers, and while the Russians have decent military power, they are short of funds, and war expenses are destined to be covered by Austria.

For every penny we invest in the Ottomans, the Anti-Turkish Alliance will have to pay several times the price to win the war.

France is no longer effective. Napoleon IV, even after suppressing the rebellion, would need years to recover.

Using this war to bleed Austria and drain their finances is crucial for maintaining the balance of power in Europe.

Moreover, international situations change rapidly, and with prolonged conflict, there is always a chance of reversing the situation."

Despite the rest sounding like idle talk, the idea of using the war to deplete Austria’s financial resources caught Gladstone’s attention.

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Destruction is always easier than construction. If the Ottomans cannot be maintained, then shattering them is the next best option. Yet turning the land into a blank canvas wouldn’t necessarily strengthen Austria’s power.

One must look at the comparative losses on both sides when considering an act that harms another without benefitting oneself. Strategies like "incurring a loss of three hundred to kill a thousand enemies" can be used as surprise tactics for winning against the odds. n/o/vel/b//in dot c//om

The game of great powers can no longer be assessed by simple calculations of losses and gains. In a sense, victory is secured as long as the rival suffers greater losses than we do.

...

In the ancient city of Constantinople, the smell of gunpowder became intense once again. The headquarters of the Anti-Turkish Alliance was situated in this politically significant metropolis.

This was also a political compromise between Russia and Austria. An Austrian was appointed as the Allied Commander, and the headquarters was established on Russian territory to show that Russia and Austria held equal status within the Alliance.

At this moment, the Allied Command was brimming with stars—so many, it could be said, "Generals abound; only Marshals are high-ranking."

There was no helping it; after the Prusso-Russian war, the Russian Army had shrunk from its peak of over five million to just over five hundred thousand. Even with the outbreak of the Near East war, this number only increased to seven hundred thousand.

After the reduction in force structure, it became normal for corps commanders to become division commanders, and for division commanders to become regimental commanders.

Given this backdrop, it would be difficult for Russian military ranks not to be high.

What would generally be the ranks of a brigadier general or a colonel leading a division elsewhere, in Russia all began with the rank of major general at the lowest.

The Near East war was seen as an excellent opportunity to earn military honors, naturally attracting many participants, resulting in even major generals commanding regiments.

Perhaps influenced by the Russians, Montenegro and Greece also promoted "provisional generals" and "provisional marshals" to be able to speak on equal terms on the battlefield.

In particular, the marshal from Montenegro Duchy might be the most tragic marshal of his time, with only the strength of an augmented regiment under his command.

So many generals significantly increased the coordination difficulties for Albrecht. As per convention, it’s usual to appoint those of higher rank as the primary officers on the battlefield.

If that were to be done, the Austrian army involved in the coordinated operations would suffer significant disadvantages.

Austria had no concept of "provisional ranks" or "provisional marshals," and Franz would not stoop to such base acts.

Equality was impossible. Even if all of Austria’s generals were summoned, they would not match in number.

Chief of Staff Albrecht personally taking the role of Allied Commander was, in truth, an act of necessity.

Without war, military promotions come far less easily. Austria’s military system was mature, and without sufficient military achievements, it was impossible to become a marshal just by seniority alone.

With the passing of the older generation, Albrecht became one of the surviving marshals of the Austrian military and thus the prime candidate for the position of Allied Commander.

At the Allied Command, Major General Bartholomew, the military judge: "Commander, in the past three days, there have been 128 cases of disturbing the peace and brawls. The military court arrested 358 individuals, including three generals."

With the congregating of armies from four nations, security in Constantinople deteriorated rapidly. In this city teeming with generals, the police were simply powerless.

At the request of the mayor of Constantinople, Albrecht set up the Allied military court. Regrettably, while the military court had the authority to arrest people, it had no power to pass sentence.

The Allied Forces were partners without a hierarchy; the military legal standards of different nations varied, so prisoners could only be handed over to their respective countries for disposition.

Generally speaking, as long as no major debacle ensued, most incidents were smoothed over quietly.

Without the ability to "kill the chicken to scare the monkey," the deterrent effect of the military court was naturally weak.

As things stood, the job of the military court was to arrest people every day—release them—arrest them again—release them again... in an endless cycle.

Within less than half a month since the establishment of the Allied Command, some had already achieved the dubious distinction of seven arrests and seven releases.

Albrecht nodded, aware that Constantinople was Russian territory. If the Russians weren’t anxious, it was not his place to play the villain.

In fact, most of the Russian troops were in St. Petersburg, and the majority of those who violated military discipline were Russian officers and soldiers.

Seeing the disorder of the Allied Forces, Albrecht had already lost hope in the success of this joint operation.

It should be noted that those who entered Constantinople included military leaders and guards from various nations who, compared to ordinary soldiers, were supposed to be more sensible.

Yet even good judgment is no match for alcohol. Over ninety-five percent of all the misconduct occurred after drinking.

Jealousy, fights, dining and dashing, and refusing to pay for purchases were par for the course, with the most preposterous cases involving duels in the streets.

Once drunk, there was no limit to the absurdity that could ensue.

On the battlefield, there is today but no guarantee of tomorrow. The need to relieve stress before the outbreak of war makes such debauchery among the lower ranks unsurprising.

Normally, one would expect individuals of a general’s rank not to get into trouble, but the Russian army was an exception. Due to the war, many dark horses had risen within the Russian army.

These individuals were competent in combat, and their propensity for breaking military discipline was directly proportional to their combat effectiveness. Albrecht initially tried to enforce discipline, but after seeing it repeatedly, he gave up.

Albrecht was no longer interested in the details. "Lock them up in solitary confinement for one day, then have the representatives of their nations retrieve them."

Deep down, Albrecht had resolved not to keep his troops with the Russian army. If they spent too much time together and adopted these bad habits, the trouble would be significant.

Once the idea of dividing the forces took hold, it became inescapable. Voices in his head warned him that taking such a large group of unreliable allies into battle would be disastrous.

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